After the world's attention was diverted to seemingly more important issues, it appeared crucial to let the world know of the human rights violations currently taking place in Syria.
Whether it be through a riffle or a pen, it is every Syrian's duty to fight back, and social media has proven to be a somewhat effective method of doing so. This is my feeble attempt at spreading awareness in a language that will hopefully be understood by the majority.

How was the Syrian Revolution ignited?
Back in 2011, mass protests were held in solidarity with the detained boys of Daraa where the Syrian Army was deployed to quell the uprising and soldiers were ordered to shoot innocent protestors.
After months of arresting, torturing, and killing civilians, the revolution evolved to an armed rebellion.
What is the FSA?
Short for Free Syrian Army, the FSA was first started by commander Riad Al-As'ad around mid-2011. It is composed of civilian volunteers and Syrian Army defectors who thought it necessary to take up arms in order to defend themselves, their families, and their towns from the regime's mercenaries.

ahmedwong:

Imagine waking up like this…Face full of blood, surrounded by rubble, not knowing if you’re in a grave burning or just in a horrible nightmare..
Save Aleppo from Assad’s indiscriminate barrel bombing on innocent civilians. #Syria

Syrian elections mocked with grim hashtag #AssadCampaignSlogans

On Monday, the Syrian government made it official: Presidential elections will take place on June 3, despite the civil war that has been devastating the country for the past three years.

The news didn’t take many by surprise. President Bashar al-Assad’s term in office is almost over, and it appears he’s already began campaigning. Many don’t expect any surprises from the election either, with the opposition calling the election farcical and White House spokesman Jay Carney saying Assad was “making a mockery of his own pretensions to be a democratically elected leader.”

For journalists, activists, and observers of the Syrian war (many of whom can remember Assad getting 97 percent in a 2007 election), it’s a grim yet ridiculous moment. Over the past few days the hashtag

#AssadCampaignSlogans has sprung up, that taking a macabre look at an election that will be held after over 100,000 have died, with little real alternative to Assad’s Ba’ath Party, and while accusations of state use of barrel bombs and chemical weapons still resonate.

Putting ‘laughter’ in ‘manslaughter’ since 2011 #AssadCampaignSlogans #Syriapic.twitter.com/7pD8BW7AYa
— The 47th (@THE_47th)
April 21, 2014
“My family has megatons of experience” #AssadCampaignSlogans
— Free Syrian (@redstatemuslim)
April 21, 2014
“Because Syria can’t barrel bomb itself.” #AssadCampaignSlogans
— Nader (@DarthNader)
April 21, 2014
“Vote for the blood Ba’ath”. #Assadcampaignslogans
— Ahmed Kadry (@AhmedKadry)
April 21, 2014
Keep the Homs Fires Burning #AssadCampaignSlogans
— AletheiaLibya (@AletheiaLibya)
April 21, 2014
Harnessing chemicals to build a brighter future. #AssadCampaignSlogans
— Murtaza Hussain (@MazMHussain)
April 21, 2014

And another tweet from last week that takes aim at the lack of choice for voters:

The new presidential candidates in #Syria pic.twitter.com/OcB5A0Lb4B
— dalal mawad (@dalalmawad)

April 18, 2014

For many more, check Twitter.

(Source: Washington Post)

5centsapound:

Rena Effendi: The Women of Jordan’s Zaatari Refugee Camp

Of the 124,000 people living in Zaatari, Jordan, the world’s second largest refugee camp, 54% are women and 42% of the families there are headed by women. The life of Syrian women in Zaatari is harsh and potentially dangerous - harassment is a reality and rape a nighttime possibility. The refugee women I encountered there told stories of death, deprivation, suffering and sacrifice. All of them went through major trauma of losing their homes and family members in the war. However, they refused to be portrayed as victims. As they struggle with the stigma of being refugees and cope with a loss of place and belonging these women showed remarkable resilience, definite dignity and an astounding ability to hope. They each had different ways to achieve some sort of normalcy in an inhumane situation – some by opening businesses, others by serving their community while always supporting each other. One woman I met there had even recreated – to the best of her ability – her kitchen from Syria in a small shipping container, where she lived in cramped spaces. It was the act of remembering that gave her the strength to survive.  - story originally published via marieclaire

*the great Rena Effendi strikes again. Love love love her work.. 

(via libyanforsyria)

Non-Intervention in Syria Was a Grave Mistake

syrianfreedomls:

April 20, 2014 by James Snell

As a third, blood-soaked year of the conflict in Syria draws to a close, and with the number of estimated deaths continuing its ever upward climb, it is increasingly apparent that avoiding military action in the region was the wrong thing to do.

Far from being a moral decision by the West to avoid another ‘adventure’ in the Middle East, it appears that the lamentable lack of action in Syria has led to more bloodshed, not less. But not only that: this act of apparent international indifference has also made us, in the West, morally complicit in all the horror and brutality and misery that has occurred in the country since David Cameron’s meek admission of defeat in August.

Part of the blame for this tidal wave of national apathy is due to the awful influence of Ukip: the littlest England has no need to care a jot - or expend a pound - on foreigners, after all. As evidenced in the frankly disgraceful attempts to ban non-Christian refugees from Syria from seeking safety in this country, Ukip cannot be trusted to act on the basis of morality. With the BNP’s Nick Griffin actively (if rather shambolically) going beyond mere isolationism - actually taking the side of dictator Bashar al-Assad - it appears that the British far-Right have united to either oppose intervention or support those who would lose most should it come to pass.

The fact of the matter is that the crisis continues, unabated, despite the dramatic dropping off of public interest in the UK. The chemical weapons ‘settlement’ - incorrectly billed as a ‘diplomatic solution’ - has not done a great deal to achieve peace, or to stop civilian deaths. Such things still occur, with the Assad government using starvation ‘as a weapon’ in the Yarmouk camp for Palestinian and Syrian refugees, and the increasing proliferation of brutal improvised weaponry, an example of which are the “barrel bombs” - explosive implements of death as crude as the name suggests - currently being dropped from Army helicopters on rebel positions.

Another worrying development in the crisis is prevalence of Islamist organisations within the fragmented opposition. These groups, such as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS), motivated by the darkest forms of jihadi terror, create suffering, conflict and repression with their enforcement of Sharia in occupied territories. As far back as December, the prospect of Islamic radicalism had loomed on the horizon. In that month the headquarters of General Idriss, a central figure in the more moderate opposition, were overrun by acolytes of the Islamic Front - another collection of fanatical rabble, wishing to fight a holy war. There have been beheadings, reprisals and many cruelties inflicted by this particularly pious section of the rebels, but Islamists were not always in the position occupy today. Horrors of this sort would not have come about had Britain and her allies intervened when the biggest rebel forces belonged to the Free Syrian Army. In essence, non-intervention in Syria is no longer merely refusing to pick a side.

What it represents now is a physical decision, real or contrived, to let the country burn. Not only that: those who stood by the sideline in 2013 have been tarred with the effects of the following months. Nations which failed to use their military pre-eminence to rescue the citizens of Aleppo, as they did for Kosovo, Kuwait and Benghazi, will be judged for it.

When the House of Commons voted to reject military action to protect the citizens of Syria from tyranny - both political and religious - MPs plunged this country, and the world, into the terrifying situation that exists in the region today. Non-intervention has cost Britain and NATO respect on the international stage; it has cost the region security and safety; and, most of all, it has cost lives: many thousands of which have been needlessly extinguished in the aftermath of the shameful national reflex to avoid our international moral obligations.

(Source: huffingtonpost.co.uk, via radiofreesyria)

Kafranbel, Syria: 18/04/2014.

Kafranbel, Syria: 18/04/2014.

samiratastic:

pharmawhat:

Now this here folks is where you find humanity.

Sorry, I have to share the pictures and letters
Children that have spent most or all of their existence in a camp can have so much hope, kindness and intelligence.  

samiratastic:

pharmawhat:

Now this here folks is where you find humanity.

Sorry, I have to share the pictures and letters

Children that have spent most or all of their existence in a camp can have so much hope, kindness and intelligence.  

(Source: wegotitwalahi)

politics-war:

A rebel fighter checks a launcher near the village of Kasab and the border crossing with Turkey, in the northwestern province of Latakia, on March 23. Syrian rebels seized the village of Kasab and the border crossing with Turkey on March 24, an NGO said, as the regime launched fresh air strikes in a bid to halt the opposition advance. The crossing was the last functioning border post with Turkey to slip from regime control.  

politics-war:

A rebel fighter checks a launcher near the village of Kasab and the border crossing with Turkey, in the northwestern province of Latakia, on March 23. Syrian rebels seized the village of Kasab and the border crossing with Turkey on March 24, an NGO said, as the regime launched fresh air strikes in a bid to halt the opposition advance. The crossing was the last functioning border post with Turkey to slip from regime control.  

girlwithlandscape:

Behind Barbed Wire, Shakespeare Inspires a Cast of Young Syrians - NYTimes.com

"In later scenes, the king was heckled by the Fool, who wore a rainbow-colored wig, and eight boys performed a choreographed sword fight with lengths of plastic tubing. A few scenes from “Hamlet” were spliced in, making the story hard to follow. And at one point, a tanker truck carrying water roared by, drowning out the actors and coating the audience in a cloud of dust.
But the mere fact that the play was performed was enough for the few hundred spectators. Families living in nearby tents brought their children, hoisting them on their shoulders so they could see.
After Lear’s descent into madness and death, the cast surrounded the audience, triumphantly chanting “To be or not to be!” in English and Arabic. The crowd burst into applause, and a number of the leading girls broke into tears. Mr. Bulbul said they were overwhelmed because it was the first time anyone had clapped for them.”

This is such a cool story.

girlwithlandscape:

Behind Barbed Wire, Shakespeare Inspires a Cast of Young Syrians - NYTimes.com

"In later scenes, the king was heckled by the Fool, who wore a rainbow-colored wig, and eight boys performed a choreographed sword fight with lengths of plastic tubing. A few scenes from “Hamlet” were spliced in, making the story hard to follow. And at one point, a tanker truck carrying water roared by, drowning out the actors and coating the audience in a cloud of dust.

But the mere fact that the play was performed was enough for the few hundred spectators. Families living in nearby tents brought their children, hoisting them on their shoulders so they could see.

After Lear’s descent into madness and death, the cast surrounded the audience, triumphantly chanting “To be or not to be!” in English and Arabic. The crowd burst into applause, and a number of the leading girls broke into tears. Mr. Bulbul said they were overwhelmed because it was the first time anyone had clapped for them.”

This is such a cool story.

(via refugeeartproject)

In Aleppo, Syria’s largest city, a kebab vendor works in the midst of a destroyed building. As Syria’s war rages on, Aleppo is a city under gradual demolition, with a shrinking civilian population struggling to survive.

In Aleppo, Syria’s largest city, a kebab vendor works in the midst of a destroyed building. As Syria’s war rages on, Aleppo is a city under gradual demolition, with a shrinking civilian population struggling to survive.

How Bashar al-Assad created the feared shabiha militia: an insider speaks.
Former member of Syrian ruling family’s inner circle gives first direct account of how shabiha paramilitaries were ordered to kill and torture opponents of the regime: 


A former Assad regime insider has given the first direct account of how Syria’s ruling family created the feared shabiha militia that is blamed for some of the worst atrocities of the civil war, and gave it orders to kill or torture anti-regime protesters.


Abdul Salam, a former close ally of Rami Makhlouf, the president’s cousin, has described how he attended meetings in which Mr Makhlouf and Maher al-Assad, the president’s brother, planned “the making of the shabiha” - and others in which they commanded it to do their “dirty work” by shooting unarmed opposition activists.


His testimony to The Telegraph, given in eastern Turkey, provides a unique first-hand glimpse into the inner workings of the regime of President Bashar al-Assad. It could prove valuable for United Nations war crimes investigators currently gathering evidence to be used should the Syrian leadership be brought to trial for war crimes in the International Criminal Court.


Over the past three years the shabiha militia have reigned with violence and impunity, destroying entire villages by setting fire to homes or looting them, and raping, torturing and slitting the throats of inhabitants suspected of opposing the regime.


Although UN investigators have pointed to cases where the militia have seemed to operate alongside the Syrian military, a direct chain of command from the Syrian leadership has never been explicitly shown.
The account by Mr Salam intimately details, for the first time, how at the beginning of the uprising in 2011 the Syrian leadership decided to create a paramilitary force - secretly commanded by them - that could attack anti-government protesters.
It relates how they appointed leaders for militias across the country; released prisoners from “death row” to join the force; and then provided the financing and the weapons that they needed in order to act.
"I was one of eight people invited by Maher and Rami to meet in 2011," said Mr Salam, who, for his own protection spoke to the Telegraph using a pseudonym. "They are the brains behind the shabiha operation. They offered us money, weapons, anything we needed [to form the militias]."
For decades, Mr Salam had been a partner of Mr Makhlouf, one of the most powerful businessmen in Syria, and soon became one of Syria’s biggest weapons dealers.
He was part of the original “shabiha”, a term that at the time referred to smugglers and racketeers, mostly operating from the coastal Alawite heartland province of Latakia. An official blind eye was turned to their use of smuggling routes to import and export goods illicitly, in exchange for their loyalty to the government.


CONTINUE READING.

How Bashar al-Assad created the feared shabiha militia: an insider speaks.

Former member of Syrian ruling family’s inner circle gives first direct account of how shabiha paramilitaries were ordered to kill and torture opponents of the regime:

A former Assad regime insider has given the first direct account of how Syria’s ruling family created the feared shabiha militia that is blamed for some of the worst atrocities of the civil war, and gave it orders to kill or torture anti-regime protesters.

Abdul Salam, a former close ally of Rami Makhlouf, the president’s cousin, has described how he attended meetings in which Mr Makhlouf and Maher al-Assad, the president’s brother, planned “the making of the shabiha” - and others in which they commanded it to do their “dirty work” by shooting unarmed opposition activists.

His testimony to The Telegraph, given in eastern Turkey, provides a unique first-hand glimpse into the inner workings of the regime of President Bashar al-Assad. It could prove valuable for United Nations war crimes investigators currently gathering evidence to be used should the Syrian leadership be brought to trial for war crimes in the International Criminal Court.

Over the past three years the shabiha militia have reigned with violence and impunity, destroying entire villages by setting fire to homes or looting them, and raping, torturing and slitting the throats of inhabitants suspected of opposing the regime.

Although UN investigators have pointed to cases where the militia have seemed to operate alongside the Syrian military, a direct chain of command from the Syrian leadership has never been explicitly shown.

The account by Mr Salam intimately details, for the first time, how at the beginning of the uprising in 2011 the Syrian leadership decided to create a paramilitary force - secretly commanded by them - that could attack anti-government protesters.

It relates how they appointed leaders for militias across the country; released prisoners from “death row” to join the force; and then provided the financing and the weapons that they needed in order to act.

"I was one of eight people invited by Maher and Rami to meet in 2011," said Mr Salam, who, for his own protection spoke to the Telegraph using a pseudonym. "They are the brains behind the shabiha operation. They offered us money, weapons, anything we needed [to form the militias]."

For decades, Mr Salam had been a partner of Mr Makhlouf, one of the most powerful businessmen in Syria, and soon became one of Syria’s biggest weapons dealers.

He was part of the original “shabiha”, a term that at the time referred to smugglers and racketeers, mostly operating from the coastal Alawite heartland province of Latakia. An official blind eye was turned to their use of smuggling routes to import and export goods illicitly, in exchange for their loyalty to the government.

CONTINUE READING.

Syria: ‘Never Again’ Is Now.

Twenty years ago this week the Rwandan genocide began.
Since then we’ve filled museums with haunting relics, held memorials remembering the hundreds of thousands of victims senselessly slaughtered, and solemnly declared the words, “never again” from podiums throughout the world.
We’ve said those words so many times.
"Never again."
We’ll never let it happen again. We’ll never stand by while innocent women, men, and children are slaughtered, hacked to death in their homes, in schools, in places of worship, burned to death, bludgeoned to death, shot. We’ll never let it happen again.
But how can we even say those words today, how can we utter those words on this solemn anniversary?
We’re saying “never again” as we watch a genocide unfold in real time in Syria.
"Never again."
I thought of these words during a recent visit to the Syrian border, where I met victims who had been pulled from the wreckage of barrel bomb attacks and rushed to a Syrian border hospital. Here, children lie paralyzed in rows of beds, their tiny spines punctured by a sniper’s gun.
Increasing evidence now shows that Assad regime snipers target children and pregnant women in a sick war game, awarding with cigarettes the snipers who hit their civilian targets. “Deliberate,” and “hell beyond hell” is how Dr. David Nott, a British surgeon, described the injuries he witnessed at a Syrian hospital.
But where is our outrage? We’re mouthing “never again” while silently regarding the plight of an entire generation of Syria’s children.
Within the last two years, the Assad regime has incorporated “barrel bombs” into the arsenal of terror weapons used against the civilian population. Packed with TNT and shrapnel, the bombs are frequently dropped by helicopters on neighborhoods full of women and children.
One woman I visited at a hospital on the Syrian border described hearing the sound of a helicopter rotor and rushing to seek cover with her family. In seconds she saw limbs flying through the air as shrapnel from the bomb carved its bloody path through the bodies of her mother, sister, and five small nephews. When the attack was over, she looked down and realized one of her own legs had been severed. In the distance she could hear more helicopters on the approach.
There wasn’t enough time to bury her family members that day, she told me. With her father’s help, she was able to grab only the school photos of her nephews, her last remaining relic of the family she had lost so suddenly.
That day at the hospital she carefully showed me these photos, describing how each one had been killed. “This one was beheaded,” she told me, pointing to a photo of her five-year-old nephew. She and her father were the only surviving members of her family. They fled across the border.
Bloodied bodies hacked to pieces whether by Assad’s shrapnel or the machetes of the Hutu militia demonstrate an unspeakable horror that occurred in Rwanda twenty years ago and is unfolding today across Syria.
Technological advancements and social media prevalence have ensured that we have more access to the Syrian crisis than has ever been possible in a war zone. Yet we have somehow become immune to the images on our screens.
Today, we’re all remembering the Rwandan genocide — as well we should. But we can’t spend all of our time looking back while we’re saying “never again.” We can’t say “never again” today while we silently allow cruelty to continue in another corner of the world.
Today I hope that the Rwandan genocide anniversary serves as a catalyst for our action, spurring us to shatter our silence, and compelling us to act.
Politicians and government leaders often excuse their inaction on Syria with words like “complicated.” And we know that many government leaders once felt the same way about Rwanda.
When I traveled to the Syrian border I found a different reality. Complications exist, yes, but the reality of human suffering on this scale demands a very simple response: action. Truly, no setting wherein human beings are being bombed, shot, gassed, and chopped into pieces en masse should ever be considered too complicated for our intervention.
Instead of a complicated mess on the Syrian border, I found people just like you and me, who need people just like you and me. Today, I hope the solemn anniversary of the Rwandan genocide serves as a catalyst for us to shatter the silence on Syria, compelling us to take real action to end this horror.
If we are going to use the words “never again,” we must back them up with our action.
"Never again" is now.


SOURCE.

Syria: ‘Never Again’ Is Now.

Twenty years ago this week the Rwandan genocide began.

Since then we’ve filled museums with haunting relics, held memorials remembering the hundreds of thousands of victims senselessly slaughtered, and solemnly declared the words, “never again” from podiums throughout the world.

We’ve said those words so many times.

"Never again."

We’ll never let it happen again. We’ll never stand by while innocent women, men, and children are slaughtered, hacked to death in their homes, in schools, in places of worship, burned to death, bludgeoned to death, shot. We’ll never let it happen again.

But how can we even say those words today, how can we utter those words on this solemn anniversary?

We’re saying “never again” as we watch a genocide unfold in real time in Syria.

"Never again."

I thought of these words during a recent visit to the Syrian border, where I met victims who had been pulled from the wreckage of barrel bomb attacks and rushed to a Syrian border hospital. Here, children lie paralyzed in rows of beds, their tiny spines punctured by a sniper’s gun.

Increasing evidence now shows that Assad regime snipers target children and pregnant women in a sick war game, awarding with cigarettes the snipers who hit their civilian targets. “Deliberate,” and “hell beyond hell” is how Dr. David Nott, a British surgeon, described the injuries he witnessed at a Syrian hospital.

But where is our outrage? We’re mouthing “never again” while silently regarding the plight of an entire generation of Syria’s children.

Within the last two years, the Assad regime has incorporated “barrel bombs” into the arsenal of terror weapons used against the civilian population. Packed with TNT and shrapnel, the bombs are frequently dropped by helicopters on neighborhoods full of women and children.

One woman I visited at a hospital on the Syrian border described hearing the sound of a helicopter rotor and rushing to seek cover with her family. In seconds she saw limbs flying through the air as shrapnel from the bomb carved its bloody path through the bodies of her mother, sister, and five small nephews. When the attack was over, she looked down and realized one of her own legs had been severed. In the distance she could hear more helicopters on the approach.

There wasn’t enough time to bury her family members that day, she told me. With her father’s help, she was able to grab only the school photos of her nephews, her last remaining relic of the family she had lost so suddenly.

That day at the hospital she carefully showed me these photos, describing how each one had been killed. “This one was beheaded,” she told me, pointing to a photo of her five-year-old nephew. She and her father were the only surviving members of her family. They fled across the border.

Bloodied bodies hacked to pieces whether by Assad’s shrapnel or the machetes of the Hutu militia demonstrate an unspeakable horror that occurred in Rwanda twenty years ago and is unfolding today across Syria.

Technological advancements and social media prevalence have ensured that we have more access to the Syrian crisis than has ever been possible in a war zone. Yet we have somehow become immune to the images on our screens.

Today, we’re all remembering the Rwandan genocide — as well we should. But we can’t spend all of our time looking back while we’re saying “never again.” We can’t say “never again” today while we silently allow cruelty to continue in another corner of the world.

Today I hope that the Rwandan genocide anniversary serves as a catalyst for our action, spurring us to shatter our silence, and compelling us to act.

Politicians and government leaders often excuse their inaction on Syria with words like “complicated.” And we know that many government leaders once felt the same way about Rwanda.

When I traveled to the Syrian border I found a different reality. Complications exist, yes, but the reality of human suffering on this scale demands a very simple response: action. Truly, no setting wherein human beings are being bombed, shot, gassed, and chopped into pieces en masse should ever be considered too complicated for our intervention.

Instead of a complicated mess on the Syrian border, I found people just like you and me, who need people just like you and me. Today, I hope the solemn anniversary of the Rwandan genocide serves as a catalyst for us to shatter the silence on Syria, compelling us to take real action to end this horror.

If we are going to use the words “never again,” we must back them up with our action.

"Never again" is now.

SOURCE.

syrianfreedomls:

April 4, 2014 - Aleppo - Citizens terrified by the Assad barrel bombing campaign

(Source: youtube.com)

globalvoices:

People in Lebanon joined hands to call for an end of racism towards Syrian refugees in their country, writes Joey Ayoub. “Our home is yours,” they said.

Lebanese Launch Campaign in Support of Syrians Facing Racism

newsweek:

Photo Essay: Stranded in Sweden by Matilde Gattoni and Matteo Fagotto

Once they were respected and successful, they had money and power. Now they’re broke, roaming like ghosts in a foreign land.

These are the stories of 12 young Syrian men who used to be rich businessmen, global professionals and members of prominent families. They sacrificed everything to escape war and reach Sweden, the only country granting them permanent residence.

Far from discovering the paradise they dreamed about, some now lead an invisible life in bleak suburbs and remote villages, isolated and unable to find work. Cut off from their loved ones, they are stuck in a limbo between a comfortable life they cannot forget and a tough, new reality. Some of the people asked to keep their faces out of the photos, to protect their families still in Syria.

(via libyanforsyria)

A Syrian man evacuates a child found in the rubble of a building reportedly hit by an explosives-filled barrel dropped by a government forces helicopter.

A Syrian man evacuates a child found in the rubble of a building reportedly hit by an explosives-filled barrel dropped by a government forces helicopter.